Este trabalho tem por objetivo refletir sobre a emergência da modernidade, a consolidação do pensamento científico moderno e suas consequências especificamente indesejáveis no domínio da política. Para isso, baseio-me no pensamento de Hannah Arendt. Arendt destaca três eventos como os principais precursores da era moderna: a exploração dos continentes, a Reforma e a invenção e utilização do telescópio. Discuto brevemente a relação desses eventos com a alienação do mundo, tal como entendida por Arendt, e me aprofundo nas novidades relativas à (...) ciência. Menciono Galileu e a revolução copernicana, o método experimental e quantitativo, o papel da fabricação de instrumentos na produção do conhecimento, o critério avaliativo de sucesso prático e o raciocínio lógico-matemático como elementos que passam a moldar a atividade científica. A partir daí, destaco a tendência, descrita por Arendt, do pensamento científico moderno em abarcar os mais diversos campos da vida cotidiana, especialmente seu âmbito público. Concluo destacando o modo como o pensamento cientificista – que possui características próprias do homo faber – mina a possibilidade de ação quando adentra a esfera política. Na medida em que “ser livre e agir é a mesma coisa”, impede também a manifestação da liberdade. Mais do que isso, abordo como o cientificismo vai à contramão da pluralidade, da singularidade e da espontaneidade humanas. Os governos totalitários e as sociedades de consumo são exemplos extremos e reais do que a racionalidade do homo faber pode fazer quando substitui o campo da ação. Ao finalizar, destaco um grande desafio que temos pela frente. (shrink)

Neste artigo reflito sobre a idéia de justificação pública para identificar os elementos mínimos que devem fazer parte de uma teoria adequada de justificação pública.

ABSTRACTThis paper assesses to what extent the neo-Republican accounts of Quentin Skinner and Philip Pettit adequately capture the nature of political liberty at Rome by focusing on Cicero's analysis of the libera res publica. Cicero's analysis in De Republica suggests that the rule of law and a modest menu of individual citizens’ rights guard against citizens being controlled by a master's arbitrary will, thereby ensuring the status of non-domination that constitutes freedom according to the neo-Republican view. He also shows the (...) difficulty of anchoring an argument for citizens’ full political participation in the value of non-domination. While Cicero believed such full participation was essential for a libera res publica, he, like other elite Romans, argued for participation on the basis of liberty conceived as the space to contend for and enhance one's social status. The sufficiency of the rule of law and citizens’ rights for securing a status of non-domination taken together with their insufficiency for ensuring a libera res publica suggests that neo-Republican accounts of liberty do not fully capture the idea as articulated in Cicero's Republicanism. (shrink)

This paper proposes a reading of Cicero’s Fourth Catilinarian as a consistent and historically realistic attempt at urging the senate to punish the conspirators. Cicero struggles against the senators’ inclination to postpone a decision out of fear of the consequences which a severe sentence might have. The speech does not show signs of substantial revision or even contamination of several addresses Cicero made at different stages of the meeting on 5 December 63; nor may the extended passages in which Cicero (...) talks about himself be read as subsequent additions in the light of Clodius’ assaults. They rather fit into the exhortative strategy of the speech, forming part of the refutation of any grounds which would allow for a delay of the decision. The extended space they take up is to be explained as a strategy that prevents further discussion of dangers by an argumentum a maiore. (shrink)

Esse artigo teórico tem como objetivo discutir o problema do suicídio praticado por homens e suas implicações para os serviços de atenção básica à saúde. Utilizou-se o método da revisão narrativa, uma forma de pesquisa que visa contribuir para a reflexão e a discussão sobre um assunto sem pretender reproduzir dados ou responder questões quantitativas específicas. Tendo como base os descritores “suicídio”, “homem” e “saúde”, identificou-se a partir das plataformas Scielo e Pubmed 56 artigos produzidos nos últimos cinco anos em (...) português e inglês, dentre os quais seis foram selecionados. A análise dos resultados indica que no Brasil as ocorrências de suicídio são mais elevadas nas Regiões Sul e Centro Oeste, onde cerca de 70% dos casos são de homens jovens que optam pelo enforcamento. Pode-se identificar como causa aspectos sociais, econômicos, relacionais, psicológicos e aspectos culturais que implicam transformações nas formas como a sociedade vê os homens e na necessidade de que eles reconheçam suas fragilidades. As masculinidades tradicionais precisam ser revistas a fim de que lhes seja possível reconhecer suas limitações diante da vivência de problemas emocionais, buscando-se superar sua recusa a buscar ajuda nos momentos de fragilidade e intenso sofrimento. Conclui-se que os serviços básicos precisam dinamizar suas ações e promover campanhas preventivas, participação da comunidade, facilitação do acesso a profissionais da saúde mental e diversificação de abordagens, compreendendo o suicídio praticado por homens em suas especificidades. Enquanto problema de saúde pública, o suicídio precisa ser abordado de forma preventiva com ações voltadas para o público em geral, sendo importante compreender sua complexidade no que se refere às questões das masculinidades. (shrink)

No presente artigo nos propomos a analisar a importancia atribuida por Tocqueville às associações civis e políticas como meio de combater a tendência natural dos homens no Estado Democrático,ao isolamento e à indiferença pública, posto que essa tendência constitui-se como ameaça à liberdade e impede que a democracia reine no mundo político.

O tema da igualdade foi tratado ao longo dos séculos das luzes em par com o tema da liberdade, contudo nesta parceria a igualdade é considerada _condição para_, e não algo _a ser buscado por si mesmo_, ao contrário da liberdade. Esse tratamento, que quase tornou a igualdade um mal necessário, exigiu uma série de restrições – ou tropeços - que introduziram nova série de desigualdades entre os membros do Estado. Os tropeços a serem discutidos aqui dizem respeito à diferença (...) entre a igualdade natural e inerente aos seres humanos e a igualdade civil construída social e politicamente, que transparecem no caminho percorrido pelo _Segundo Discurso _de Rousseau. Naquele _Discurso_, cada pessoa tinha por natureza as mesmas condições para viver independente do socorro do outro, mas desde que passaram a reunir-se e a singularidade de cada pessoa apareceu aos demais tiveram início as comparações e as preferências que as distinguiram umas das outras. Das distinções à desigualdade o caminho é curto, pois a estima pública supõe um juízo de valor acerca das habilidades que merecem ser honradas por todos e, em consequência, a diferenciação entre honrados e poderosos e aqueles que devem honrar e obedecer. A socialização parece, então, criar a desigualdade. Nosso propósito será, inicialmente, investigar o caminho da (des)igualdade entre a natureza e a sociedade com base no _Segundo Discurso_, para discutir, no âmbito do _Contrato Social_, as possibilidades de igualdade civil e sua relação com a liberdade. (shrink)

Este artigo problematiza as categorizações operacionalizadas por políticas públicas de exceção e de contenção da violência, no que tange a construção de certa “identidade do terror”, isto é, um arranjo classificatório e universalizante que desempenha um papel essencial na identificação de grupos, supostamente “perigosos”, com o terror. Nesse sentido, analisaremos três exemplos de diferentes circunstâncias envolvendo atentados [terroristas] e o tratamento oficial recebido por eles quanto à sua natureza. Pretende-se, assim, associar a dimensão das identidades e das representações sociais às (...) políticas públicas de segurança, legitimando a instauração de mecanismos de exceção, dispositivos de segurança e gerenciamento, que se estendem desde a própria população até aquelas espalhadas pelo globo. (shrink)

Como qualificar o pensamento político de Afonso Costa? Socialista? Republicano? Revolucionário? Reformista? Teria alguma estrutura ideológica composta e organizada, ou pelo contrário postaria a sua vivência em prol da luta política, da acção, em desprimor da luta ideológica, da reflexão? Pretendemos, neste pequeno artigo, apontar algumas pistas à compreensão do pensamento político daquele que será, talvez, dos mais controversos personagens da vida pública e política portuguesa dos últimos séculos, o Dr. Afonso Costa. Para esse efeito procuraremos seguir a definição e (...) a evolução do pensamento político do mesmo durante os últimos momentos da monarquia constitucional e os primeiros do regime republicano. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Klio Jahrgang: 99 Heft: 1 Seiten: 368-372.

Este artigo discute o projeto de desenvolvimento presente na constituição da política federalde educação profissional e tecnológica Brasileira inscrita na lei de criação dos InstitutosFederais de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia. A hipótese central era a de que odesenvolvimento regional se tornou a coluna vertebral daquela política pública, que destacoua importância dos arranjos produtivos, sociais e culturais locais no processo de expansão einteriorização da educação profissional. A partir de pesquisa documental sobre os processoslegislativos, o estudo mapeou a construção do projeto de (...) desenvolvimento durante o processode formulação, de tomada de decisão e de implementação da política pública. Com o uso detécnicas associadas à análise de conteúdo e o cruzamento de dados referentes à população dosmunicípios sede dos novos campi, confirmou a hipótese inicial ao reunir evidências sobre oenfoque comunitário e sustentável alinhado ao desenvolvimento regional endógeno inerenteao projeto que deu origem aos Institutos Federais. Concluiu que, por um lado, aintersetorialidade da política driblou a cultura bacharelesca e o desprestígio que a educaçãoprofissional ocupa no país. Também ampliou a capilaridade para os pequenos municípios,sendo que 58,8% dos 483 novos campi foram instalados em localidades com menos de 100mil habitantes. Por outro lado, a cultura organizacional pré-existente e a carência de espaçosinstitucionais de governança resultaram em baixa interação dos campi com o território,estabelecendo um frágil e descontínuo elo com o desenvolvimento regional. (shrink)

Este trabalho tem como objetivo apresentar as características gerais da pesquisa em Educação Física no Estado de Sergipe, a partir das dissertações e teses dos docentes que atuam nos cursos de Educação Física das instituições públicas e privadas de Ensino Superior. Os dados iniciais do balanço apontam que existe uma variabilidade de modelos teórico-metodológicos e um número considerável de docentes que não realizaram seu mestrado e/ou doutorado na área de Educação Física, mas em outras áreas do conhecimento, e em alguns (...) casos inclusive, em instituições estrangeiras e do eixo sul-sudeste do Brasil. (shrink)

Surge, a partir das guerras civis entre católicos e protestantes na França, um debate sobre a legitimidade da decisão política. Do lado protestante, o medo do massacre, a afirmação pública de sua fé e a ambição de convencer o príncipe levaram a negociações numa relação política próxima do contrato, de uma “capitulação” com o soberano. Esse processo é associado à literatura monarcômaca, mas espelha ainda mais uma reflexão sobre o equilíbrio político da monarquia.

Resumen En esta nota crítica presento un análisis de los materiales textuales que constituyen el capítulo 19 de la serie Early Greek Philosophy de A. Laks y G. Most dedicado a Parménides. Después de comparar cuantitativamente los textos de este capítulo con las ediciones de H. Diels y A.H. Coxon, así como de precisar cuáles son los textos "nuevos" que figuran en esta edición y las formas en que los editores decidieron presentarlos, ofrezco algunas consideraciones sobre el concepto mismo de (...) recepción y su operatividad en este capítulo, sobre la superación definitiva de la distinción entre testimonios y fragmentos y sobre las ventajas y desventajas que supone cortar los textos para la presentación esquemática y temática de los contenidos. Por último, examino el modo en que la doctrina de Parménides se presenta en este capítulo y muestro algunas de las decisiones que los autores tomaron sobre los innumerables problemas de transmisión textual del Poema.In this critical note, I will present an analysis of the textual materials that constitute the 19th chapter, dedicated to Parmenides, of the Early Greek Philosophy series by A. Laks and G. Most. After offering a quantitative comparison of the texts in this chapter and the editions of H. Diels and A.H. Coxon, and after specifying which "new" texts figure in this edition and how they are presented, I will provide considerations on the concept of reception and how it operates throughout this chapter, on the definite overcoming of the distinction between testimonia and fragmenta, and on the advantages and disadvantages of cutting out the texts for the schematic and thematic presentation of its contents. Finally, I examine how Parmenides' doctrine is presented and comment on some of the decisions that the authors made on a few of the innumerable problems related to the textual transmission of the Poem. (shrink)

This paper is as much about a particular depiction of the tribune P. Sulpicius Rufus as it is about Cicero's De Oratore, a dialogue regularly called upon by historians to give evidence on the 90s b.c. and the characters who take part in the conversation it depicts. My main focus is literary: I will argue that, given what we know about the historical Sulpicius, Cicero's choice of Sulpicius for a prominent minor role in De Oratore drives the tragic historical framework (...) that undercuts the optimism expressed within the dialogue by the main protagonist L. Licinius Crassus for the civic value of oratory. The Rhetorica ad Herennium illustrates a certain type of allegory with the statement ‘as if one should call Drusus a “faded reflection of the Gracchi”’. In De Oratore, Drusus’ friend and successor Sulpicius functions as a reflection of the Gracchi and his eloquence reinforces the problem posed by such orators as the notoriously eloquent Gaius Gracchus for any such grand claims about the civic value of oratory. By examining Cicero's use of relatively recent history, we therefore discover that De Oratore is significantly more pessimistic than it may at first seem. This pessimism, however, has important implications for historians, since expanding our understanding of De Oratore as a literary construct should encourage historians to be significantly more cautious about using the text as a historical source. As Görler points out with regard to Crassus’ swansong at De or. 3.4–5, although ‘a naive reader of Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta could be left with the impression that some sentences are quite well attested’, most of the fragments of Crassus’ speech can actually be traced back to De Oratore. Likewise, a significant proportion of the standard elements in Sulpicius’ backstory go back to De Oratore and become a great deal less convincing once we accept De Oratore as a sustained fictional account featuring people who were neither as politically ‘safe’ nor as intellectually united as Cicero would have them be. My secondary focus in this paper is therefore on the broader lessons to be drawn from Sulpicius’ role in De Oratore. I will begin by outlining the historical context of the dialogue, which was written in the mid 50s but is set in 91, a few weeks before the natural death of Crassus, one of its two protagonists. Next, I will discuss the dialogue's literary context, specifically the Platonic allusions Cicero embeds within the text. These allusions encourage us to treat De Oratore’s historical framework carefully, if not sceptically, and I will outline the ‘off notes’ struck by references to the Gracchi and by the presentation of Crassus and Antonius before examining the problem Sulpicius poses for a straightforwardly optimistic reading of De Oratore. I will conclude by considering first the literary implications for De Oratore of accepting that Sulpicius is a deliberately problematic character and then the historical implications of taking a sceptical approach towards De Oratore as an historical source for our picture of Sulpicius. (shrink)

For the historian who aspires to the study of Scipio Aemilianus one of the happier features of his material is the considerable number of Scipio's dicta which have been preserved: sayings which are distinct from the extracts from formal speeches yet which in most cases were uttered in public. This paper is concerned with a small group of such dicta which belong to the last period of Scipio's life, between his return from Numantia in 132 and his death in 129. (...) The intention is not to provide an historical interpretation but simply to establish die content, context, and relationship of the sayings concerned. At the request of the editors I do not quote in full the passages which provide the evidence, most of which are reproduced, at least in part, on pages 131 f. of the second edition of Malcovati's Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:American Journal of Philology 121.4 (2000) 549-557 [Access article in PDF] Cato Orationes 66 and the Case Against M.' Acilius Glabrio In 189 B.C.E. J. Bradford Churchill THE RACE FOR THE CENSORSHIP of 189 became the setting for one of the most dramatic domestic political disputes of the early second century. 1 M. Porcius Cato (cos. 195) was seeking the censorship, and among his competitors was another homo novus, (...) M.' Acilius Glabrio (cos. 191). Now, Cato had served as tribunus militum under the consul Glabrio during the campaign of 191 against Antiochus III in Greece. Cato had led a flanking expedition to decide the battle at Thermopylae, at the conclusion of which the king's camp was invaded and plundered. 2 Cato said that after the battle, Glabrio had embraced him and cried out that neither he nor the Roman people could repay his good services. 3 Glabrio sent Cato home with news of the victory. 4Now, in the race for the censorship of 189, public opinion was inclining in favor of Glabrio because he had conducted a lavish distribution of congiaria--vessels, perhaps precious, filled with wine or oil. The nobles among the competitors took umbrage at his being preferred to them, and two tribunes, P. Sempronius Gracchus and C. Sempronius Rutilus, brought Glabrio to trial on the charge "that there was some amount of the royal money and booty taken in the camp of Antiochus which he had neither carried in the triumph nor deposited in the treasury." 5 Legates and military tribunes were called to testify, and most visible among them was Cato, who had a reputation for integrity, but [End Page 549] because he was testifying against an opponent in a political race, his influence was diminished. The substance of Cato's testimony, as Livy summarized it, was that he had seen some gold and silver vessels among the royal booty at the sack of the camp, and had not seen them in the triumph.Glabrio withdrew from the race after a fine had been proposed and twice argued, and the case lapsed. He vilified Cato as a perjurious hypocrite for attacking a fellow homo novus for something the nobles usually passed over in silence. 6We have a fragment of a speech Cato gave against Glabrio, and his trial is the only appropriate occasion which is known to us. The fragment itself is clearly designed to set up a contrast between Cato and Glabrio, but the text is corrupt. The codex Farnesianus of Festus has the following entry (Fest. p. 268L): Penatores: qui penus gestant. Cato adversus M.' Acilium quarta: "postquam nativitas ex navibus eduxi, non ex militibus atque nautis piscatores penatores fici, sed arum dedi." First there are several problems which are relatively minor and no longer yield much controversy. The word quarta indicates there were at least four speeches "against Acilius." More often than not, this is dismissed as a simple error. 7 The word nativitas is clearly foreign to the context, and was long ago emended to navitas, as a poetic and archaic variant on nautas. 8 The transmitted fici is regularly and reasonably emended to feci. 9 [End Page 550]The more difficult question centers on the phrase sed arum dedi. André Dacier, in an early modern edition of Festus (Amsterdam 1700), emended arum to aurum. 10 Much later, Theodor Mommsen offered the conjecture arma. 11 This is now the prevailing reading, accepted most significantly by Enrica Malcovati (1953, 39) in the authoritative edition of the Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta. 12 Maria Teresa Sblendorio Cugusi (1982, 77), following Lindsay (1913, 268), printed and obelized arum, but in her commentary (1982, 215) considered Mommsen's emendation preferable to Dacier's because the latter "appears inconsistent with the context." I intend to show that this is rather the opposite of the case, and we ought to accept Dacier's emendation. 13With Mommsen's conjecture, the passage reads: "When I brought sailors off the ships, I didn't make fishers and provisioners out of soldiers... (shrink)

The doctrines of therapeutic nihilism and administrative nihilism are both based on the belief that the norms of activity are intrinsically linked to the structure of the body. Just as there is a vis medicatrix naturae in the individual organism, which renders any intervention of the therapist vain, there would be a vis medicatrix rei publicae in the social body, which makes the intervention of the legislator in economic life pointless and even dangerous. However, such a symmetry is not (...) quite as clear as it appears at first. It has also been upheld that the real parallel is not between therapeutic and administrative nihilism, but between therapeutic nihilism and statism. In this view, government is less comparable to a therapist than to the nervous system, and just as a well regulated organism is a one with an extensive nervous system, a well regulated society is one with a strong State.We intend to retrace the historical origin of these two schemas of correspondence, which has his roots in the celebrated controversy in the 1870’s between Herbert Spencer and Thomas Henry Huxley. We examine the causes of this apparent paradox, which sometimes views the doctrine of administrative nihilism, and sometimes the opposing doctrine of statism, as being the equivalent in politics of therapeutic nihilism in medicine. In our opinion, an important part of the explanation must be sought in the variations of the field of extension, which is implicitly given to the concept of vis medicatrix, or –as we now usually call this notion– that of Self-regulation. (shrink)

Suetonius quotes at Tiberius 21. 4–7 a number of passages from letters of Augustus to Tiberius showing the high regard in which he professed to hold him, despite his reservations about the darker side of his character, once he had decided to adopt him ‘rei publicae causa’ in a.d 4. They seem to have attracted little critical comment, although Seager connects them with the handling by Tiberius of the Pannonian revolt in a.d. 6–9. suggesting that in view of their (...) fulsome character they were probably written towards the end of this period, when the crisis was past, rather than earlier when Augustus may have been critical of Tiberius’ caution in prosecuting the war. But he does not attempt a more detailed appraisal of the possible dates of the individual letters quoted. Sections 21. 4 and 5 in particular present interesting textual difficulties, mainly arising from the transmission of Greek in a predominantly Latin text: this article discusses these with a view to throwing greater light on the historical significance of the letters. First, the text, to which I have appended a limited apparatus which concentrates on the points of greatest difficulty. (shrink)

Ideas suggested a long time ago by the French thinker about the betrayal of intellectuals are still actual and challenging. They concern the creative status of a personality in society, especially his/her envolment in polis - Salus rei publicae suprema lex asto. The paper offers also a critical analysis of an international publication "Crossing the Divide" , which underlines the importance of a mature personality , i. e. also of human sciences, and which promotes a new notion of "public (...) intellectual". (shrink)

Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra?. The famous incipit—‘And what are you reading, Master Buddenbrook? Ah, Cicero! A difficult text, the work of a great Roman orator. Quousque tandem, Catilina. Huh-uh-hmm, yes, I've not entirely forgotten my Latin, either’— already impressed contemporaries, including some ordinarily not so readily impressed. It rings through Sallust's version of Catiline's shadowy address to his followers, when he asks regarding the injustices they suffer : quae quousque tandem patiemini, o fortissumi uiri?. More playfully, and (...) less well-known, Sallust employed the expression again in a speech by Philippus : uos autem, patres conscripti, quo usque cunctando rem publicam intutam patiemini et uerbis arma temptabitis?. Soon afterwards it served Cicero's son, who, as governor of Asia, put down Hybreas fils for having dared to quote from his father's work in his presence : ‘age’, inquit [sc. Marcus Tullius], ‘non putas me didicisse patris mei: “quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra”?’. Just about the same time, Livy recalled it in order to colour Manlius’ exhortation of his followers : quousque tandem ignorabitis uires uestras, quas natura ne beluas quidem ignorare uoluit? … audendum est aliquid uniuersis aut omnia singulis patienda. quousque me circumspectabitis?. Thereafter Quintilian would refer to it twice, when discussing apostrophe and rhetorical questions, just a couple of years before Tacitus has the maladroit Q. Haterius encourage Tiberius to seize the reins—quo usque patieris, Caesar, non adesse caput rei publicae? ; a few decades later still, Apuleius puts it into the mouth of the slave who chastises his master, now in asinine form : ‘quo usque tandem’, inquit, ‘cantherium patiemur istum paulo ante cibariis iumentorum, nunc etiam simulacris deorum infestum?’. He trusted, no doubt, that the famous question would alert his readers more than anything to the many ‘similarities between Catiline and Lucius’, in order to have them appreciate this ‘ludicrous copy of Cicero's arch-enemy’. Some time after, and in a different corner of the Empire altogether, a teacher's bronze statue would carry the inscription:VERBACICRO | NISQVOVSQ | TANDEMABVTE | RECATELINAPA | TIENTIANOS | TRA. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:American Journal of Philology 123.3 (2002) 526-529 [Access article in PDF] Jane D. Chaplin. Livy's Exemplary History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. xii + 245 pp. Cloth, $70. Hoc illud est praecipue in cognitione rerum salubre ac frugiferum, omnis te exempli documenta in inlustri posita monumento intueri; inde tibi tuaeque rei publicae quod imitere capias, inde foedum inceptu foedum exitu quod vites. —Livy, Preface 10 Livy's programmatic assertion (...) has served as the point of departure for a number of recent studies. Indeed, the book one writes seems to depend on which word or words provide inspiration: intueri (Feldherr) and monumentum (Jaeger) have had their day; now it is the turn of exempli documenta. In this beautifully argued study, Chaplin argues that close readings of scenes involving exemplary figures produce a misleadingly static view of Livy's history as a repository of fixed lessons; by studying exempla, not just at their moment of generation but as they are invoked, altered, and allowed to die away over the course of the narrative, one can see Livy showing historical processes at work and thus gain appreciation of Livy as an historian as well as a literary artist.Chaplin defines exemplum broadly, including not only what the text points [End Page 526] to as exempla or documenta but also "any specific citation of an event or an individual that is intended to serve as a guide to conduct" (3). Exempla occur at various levels of the narrative: in the historian's own voice; focalized through characters who remember the past and use it as a guide to conduct; and most frequently, in speeches. Throughout the book Chaplin is careful to distinguish between the external, reading audience and the various audiences of speeches and spectacles within the text. She points out that the reading audience has information that audiences within the text do not and thus can draw conclusions that they cannot. In showing characters within the text interpreting, reinterpreting, and learning from the past, Livy's history teaches its reading audience how to engage constructively with history, both past events and the narrative of past events.The introduction briefly reviews the use of exempla in rhetoric, the didactic features of Greek and Roman historiography, the Roman tendency to teach by example (fathers pointing out models to sons, the trappings of aristocratic funerals, statues in public places), exempla in Livy's annalistic predecessors, and their use in Polybius, and Sallust. It is hardly surprising that Livy employs exempla, but Chaplin argues well from the meager evidence that Livy surpasses his Roman predecessors in the depth and complexity with which he uses them.A close reading of Caudium in chapter 1, first the narrative of the defeat and comeback, then as an exemplum both focalized through the thoughts of others and included in various speeches, shows that great events do not have one meaning. Even the recent past is subject to interpretation, misinterpretation, and reinterpretation. The Romans' expression after their defeat has a different meaning depending on one's knowledge of the Roman character. In its early appearances as an exemplum, Caudium is a model of behavior to avoid; later, ominously invoked among other Roman comebacks by a person about to lead Romans to near disaster (22.14.4-14), it becomes an example of behavior to imitate. Chaplin's discussion of Cannae (chapter 2) reinforces this claim that exempla are malleable; which aspects of an exemplum are invoked depends on the speaker, the audience, and the immediate situation. The reading audience can see that Romans use exempla better and learn from the past better than Carthaginians do. They also learn that history does not achieve closure; rather, people move beyond it as the Romans moved beyond Cannae, because they have learned its lessons.Concluding her discussion of Cannae, Chaplin observes that "the ability to manipulate an audience's perception of the past may come from oratory, but Livy converts it into a tool of historical interpretation" (72). Chapter 3, "Reading the Past," expands on this observation. Various figures in Livy (the Praenestines at the second battle of the Allia... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Historian L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi and the Roman Annalistic TraditionJ. LinderskiGary Forsythe. The Historian L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi and the Roman Annalistic Tradition. Lanham, MD, New York, and London: University Press of America, 1994. viii + 552 pp. Cloth.L. Calpurnius Piso, consul in 133, censor in 120, and a writer of history, should be pleased: this is a learned monograph. First, a computation. In the standard edition (...) by H. Peter, Historicorum Romanorum Reliquiae (2d ed., Lipsiae 1914) the extant forty-five fragments of the Annales of Piso cover twenty pages (118–37; in fact much less: a substantial space, more than one-third, is taken by the testimonia and apparatus printed at the bottom of each page). Forsythe’s monograph runs (excluding indices, bibliography and the edition of the fragments) to 408 pages. This amounts to about thirty or so pages of discussion for one page of Piso; if we applied the same method to an author partially or fully extant, for example Livy, the first five books of Livy which cover in the Oxford edition 381 pages would have required a modern work of over eleven thousand pages. For the sake of a further comparison we may note that the standard commentary on the first pentad of Livy (by R. M. Ogilvie [Oxford 1965]) contains 774 pages (the ratio is 2.03 : 1, but the pages of the commentary are larger, and so the real ratio is in the neighborhood of 3 : 1), and it is a very erudite commentary. This demonstrates vividly that the book de Pisone rerum scriptore must be concerned with something more than just Piso; nor can it be just a commentary on the fragments for even the most extensive commentary could not by any stretch of the imagination have reached this prodigious length.The subtitle informs us that the subject of the book is not only Calpurnius Piso but also “the Roman Annalistic Tradition”; thus Piso, his Annales, and the historiographic background. Unfortunately the book lacks an introduction in which the author would have set forth his goals and charted the way of achieving them. The text itself plunges directly into Piso’s political career (1–24), and then turns to a discussion of the Annales as a work of history and literature (25–73), and finally to a minute analysis of each fragment (75–408). The book is rounded off by a new edition of the testimonia and fragmenta (409–97), and by an extensive bibliography and index (499–552).Chapter 1. The Calpurnii Pisones were treated in the RE by F. Münzer, a great authority, but his article is very brief. Hence a full treatment of the historian’s family is welcome. The question arises whether it is necessary in a book about historiography. Furthermore some interpretations are questionable: the idea (3–7) that the mission (in 210–209) of a forebear of the historian, C. Piso, to secure for Rome Etruria and the Etruscan grain was somehow connected with his cognomen Piso (which Roman grammarians explained as derived from pinsere, “to grind grain”) will strike many as far-fetched. A similar conceit crops up on p. 21: Piso’s concern over the agrarian law of C. Gracchus “should perhaps be viewed in the context of his family’s possible involvement with milling and the state grain supply. The family’s surname meant ‘mortar’.” This borders on the [End Page 329] ridiculous—in an otherwise sober account. It is also awkward to speak of “the Lex Acilia of C. Gracchus” (23). There are good points too: the explanation of the origins of the lex Calpurnia de repetundis in terms of Roman clientela is very well taken indeed (15–16). Forsythe may also be right in rejecting M. Crawford’s interpretation of the coin Roman Republican Coinage (Cambridge 1974) no. 418 as indicating Piso’s pontificate.Chapter 2 deals with Piso’s education and with his work. It contains a good discussion of Piso’s personal surname Frugi, of his character, of Greek influences on the method of argumentation in his Annales, and of Piso’s Greek and Latin sources. The truly detective work to establish the... (shrink)

Celem tego artykułu jest krótka analiza republikańskiej koncepcji wolności przedstawianej w polskiej i pozapolskiej teorii republikańskiej XVI wieku. Punktem wyjścia rozważań jest teza głosząca, że kategoria wolności w teorii republikańskiej jest ściśle związana z namysłem i ustaleniami dotyczącymi istoty i celu wspólnoty politycznej, określanej w tradycji rzymskiej mianem civitas libera. Wolność jest pochodną dobrze urządzonego, wolnego ładu politycznego, w którym kluczową rolę odgrywa prawo i cnota. Analizując ideę wolności republikańskiej przez pryzmat dwóch kontekstów: klasycznej tradycji republikańskiej i jej ustaleń oraz (...) ładu społeczno-ustrojowego Rzeczypospolitej, wskazuję, że łączy się ona ściśle z innymi kluczowymi dla teorii republikańskiej kategoriami, takimi jak res publica, sprawiedliwość i prawo, cnota, ustrój mieszany oraz obywatelskość, wyrażana w ideale vita activa, i dopiero w połączeniu z nimi możliwe jest ukazanie pełnego rozumienia wolności i jej uwarunkowań. (shrink)

Como pensar a ética a partir das contradições de um mundo que, no mesmo espaço e ao mesmo tempo, produz uma ciência e intelectuais dedicados a pesquisar princípios de vida e armas de morte; progressos nas comunicações e mecanismos sutis e aberrantes de censura? Eis as questões: falso bem, falsa justiça, falsa liberdade, falsa virtude, que, ao criarem o homem da concórdia, da submissão e da boa-fé, o tornam duas vezes escravo: da superstição e das convenções. Os textos que compõem (...) essa obra, originalmente produzidos para o curso livre Ética, procuram, assim, pensar as razões pelas quais os homens se comportam de determinada maneira e por que a maioria das doutrinas morais conserva vestígios da servidão, no momento mesmo em que promete instaurar a liberdade.ÍndiceCenários - Adauto NovaesA tragédia grega e o humano - Nicole LorauxHumanidade e justiça na historiografia grega, V-I a. C. - Catherine Darbo-PeschanskiAs delícias do jardim - José Américo Motta PessanhaA culpa dos reis: mando e transgressão no Ricardo II - Antonio CandidoO retorno do bom governo - Renato Janine RibeiroAs fronteiras da ética: Maquiavel - Newton BignottoPolítica do céu (anti-Maquiavel) - Antonio Alcir Bernárdez PécoraDilemas da moral iluminista - Sergio Paulo RouanetUma reinvenção da ética socialista - Nelson LevyEstado e Terror - Paulo Sérgio PinheiroO eterno retorno do mesmo: tese cosmológica ou imperativo ético? - Scarlett MartonA mentira: um capítulo das relações entre a ética e a política - Celso LaferMoralidade pública e moralidade privada - José Arthur GianottiO sujeito e a norma - Gerd BornheimA mulher e a lei - Maria Rita KehlImpasses da ética naturalista: Gide e o homoerotismo - Jurandir Freire CostaBom dia, senhor Coubert! - Jorge ColiVer o invisível: a ética das imagens - Nelson Brissac PeixotoIlusões perdidas - José Miguel WisnikPúblico, privado, despotismo - Marilena Chauí. (shrink)